Republicans are Right to Tax Grad Student Tuition Waivers. Here is Why.

Valley News - Shawn Braley

The Republican tax plan that is making its way through Congress, as it currently stands, would tax graduate students on the tuition that universities currently waive for them. This has led to significant grumbling across communities in higher learning, but any noise in the mainstream press is faint. Dr. David Nirenberg, Vice Provost at the University of Chicago, recently published an article in the Washington Post to correct this imbalance and denounce the bill, marking one of the first MSM endeavors to cover this topic. Predictably, perhaps, the professor of history argues for siding with the graduate student–meaning, against the tax bill; Professor Nirenberg does not want the American government to tax tuition waivers as income. As he wrote in his piece, this would be like “taxing a coupon.”

He is wrong. Here is why.

Whether deliberate or not, if passed into law, the measure in the tax bill would place immense pressure on universities to cease offering tuition waivers. This would be a wonderful thing for graduate students. Why? Because it would signify the end of a system where rich and powerful institutions inflate their numbers at the expense of their graduate students to better their own optics for the donar class.

That an institution waives its tuition for one of its employees is not a form of compensation. This should be obvious–universities do not waive their tuition for others under their employ (say professors, nurses, vice provosts, or cafeteria servers). That would be absurd. And yet that is exactly what happens to professional graduate students.

The students that are potentially affected by this bill are those who get paid in return for services rendered, services as integral to university life as teaching undergraduate courses, for example. Yes, many undergrads are mistakenly calling the graduate students that teach them, pass or fail them, meet with them in office hours, etc., ‘professors’–but can we blame them for being confused?

Graduate students are professional students. Therefore it makes little sense that they should have to pay their way through a program that hires them. The current tax bill could shower disinfectant on the universities’ festering self-inflicted wound if it is allowed to come to pass.

A graduate student is easily one of the most underpaid professionals in the American labor force today, to be one is a particularly cruel form of intellectual, physical, and financial servitude. Professional students are interns posing as employees, or, more accurately, universities are posing as honest employers where they are more akin to sweatshops.

Nirenberg gives a hypothetical in his article where a graduate student receives $25,000 to $30,000 in overall earnings but whose tuition waiver includes another $70,000-$80,000 as compensation. The professor is correct that taxing someone who in reality earns $30,000 or less as if they earned $100,000 is outrageous. Indeed, it would never happen–one would hope, at least, if it came to it, that such graduates would simply abandon their path as professional students in the face of such severe economic injustice.

And here is the point: it is an economic injustice, a longstanding one–committed by the universities. It is only sensical to tax compensation for services rendered. What is nonsensical is that tuition waivers are considered compensation in the first place. This is done for the betterment of the institution only and hurts graduate students both in direct and indirect ways–and has for decades.

The hypothetical figures mentioned here, taken from Nirenberg’s WaPo article, are clearly referencing private school numbers (such as Nirenberg’s University of Chicago). The fact is that it would be quite easy for private institutions to make necessary changes to the structure of their compensation packages so as to free their professional graduate students from any tax on tuition (not to mention from tuition itself, but that is another story). Not only would this change be overdue, but it would happen overnight if this bill was passed.

Admittedly, public universities [full disclosure, I am a graduate student at a major public research institution] would have to jump through more beauractratic hoops to rearrange how they dress up their compensation to ensure graduate students would not get hit with an unfair tax. But it should be noted (and never is) that in these cases the tuition in question is much lower, around $8,000 instead of $80,000, as is the financial compensation public universities offer in the form of take home pay, often around $15,000 instead of $30,000. This difference is important to bring up because a student that makes $15,000 that would now be taxed 12% after $12,000, would pay $1,320 under the House plan, and $900 currently. This is a greater tax payment, but not a suffocating one. A married professional student filing jointly would pay an effective rate of zero under the current bill. If their spouse was also a student, then their family would pay $720 under the House bill, and $1,800 currently. This represents significant savings for families.

This would mean that a single graduate student at a public university would pay a few hundred dollars more than they do now (if universities don’t adjust, and they would undoubtedly face pressure to do so), but a graduate student with a family would see significant savings (even more if they have children).

Again, the simple, obvious solution is to do away with the notion of tuition grants for employees.

And as for the private universities and those that represent them, they can stop espousing misleading information and disseminating untruths, like universities “invest $400,000 or more for each graduate student.” What a bunch of malarkey. But I guess that’s to be expected from a vice provost, a company position if there ever was one.

Posted in America | 1 Comment

Avant-Garde and the countercultural affinity for rightwing aestheticism

The Wild Angels (1966) is now a cult classic. At the time it cemented director Roger Corman’s place as king of B movies and launched the careers of both screenwriter Peter Bogdanovich and actor Peter Fonda. The film is both a celebration and critique of counterculture values. It is morally ambiguous with a narration that leaves much for the viewer to decide. Dialogue is scarce, general, and succinct. Any moralizing Corman and Bogdanovich leave for scenes when nothing is spoken. The film is shocking, and portrays characters that are often violent, a border between nihilistic and deranged, and possess few redeeming qualities.

In the opening scene of the movie, the ‘T’ is written in such a way that it doubles as a swastika.[1] This is the first full glimpse of counterculture biker aesthetics in the film, and in nearly every scene thereafter nazi paraphernalia is openly displayed. Iron crosses, the lightning bolts insignia of the SS, nazi flags and swastikas are ubiquitous. What is this? Why would young Americans wear these items? What are the multifaceted connections between bikers, surf music,[2] nazi regalia, and swaths of the countercultural left?

It is my thesis that much of the American counterculture since the 1950s can be understood in part as being a successor to the avant-garde, a liberal tradition already embedded in the West since at least the early nineteenth century.

The avant-garde is a fusion of art and politics. The term being first written down by a Sephardic Jew, Benjamin Olinde Rodrigues (1795–1851), from Bordeaux, France. Rodrigues was a mathematician and social reformer and disciple of the early socialist Claude Henri de Rouvroy, comte de Saint-Simon. In a collaboration with Saint-Simon and others, an essay from 1825 called L’artiste, le savant et l’industriel, Rodrigues wrote:

“We, the artists, will serve as the avant-garde: for amongst all the arms at our disposal, the power of the arts is the swiftest and most expeditious. When we wish to spread new ideas amongst men, we use, in turn, the lyre, ode or song, story or novel; we inscribe those ideas on marble or canvas, and we popularize them in poetry and in song. We also make use of the stage, and it is there above all that our influence is most electric and triumphant…[If the arts] support the general movement of the human spirit, if they assist the common cause, and contribute to the growth of general well-being, producing useful sensations for mankind… an immense future of glory and success will immediately open up before them. Their energies will return, and they will be raised up to the highest point they could possibly attain: for when harnessed in the direction of the public good, the force of the imagination is quite simply incalculable.”[3]

Rodrigues here makes explicit a core idea of Saint-Simon’s, that art should be political and politics should reflect artistic expression. This fusion of art and politics is a fundamental aspect of the avant-garde, an aestheticization of politics. Artists would lead societies, art was to be the ideal canvas onto which politics splash. Art, as conceived by Saint-Simon and Rodrigues, was the supreme realm, a sphere capable of supplanting Christianity (what Saint-Simon referred to as “orthodox Christianity”) with its own new religion. Art is the nova religio of the avant-garde, the religion of progress, civilization, and human mastery. Rodrigues and Saint-Simon’s ideas embraced the liberal revolution, but also reflected a profound disillusionment with post-revolutionary[4] liberal society; the avant-garde has always walked the line the tension with the liberal status quo.

The Avant-Garde does not seek a return to a pre-enlightened Europe,[5] but rather seeks movement towards social utopia. It incessantly wriggles and stubbornly insists on motion; on moving away from the terrors of liberalism, of normativization and bureaucratic horror.

The futurists claimed successorship to the avant-garde tradition spawned by Rodrigues and Saint-Simon. Theirs was a movement during the early twentieth century interested in speed, a mechanics of speed as much as an artistic and political ideology of speed.

Embracing the motorcycle as an aesthetics of speed, modernity, and the future, futurists chose it to help deliver the “slap in the face of public taste”[6] they sought. Futurism is a diverse collective, a loosely organized movement of artists, writers, and intellectuals. In Russia many Futurists became Bolsheviks, and in Italy many became Fascists. Whatever the politics of a particular Futurist, which varied, futurism lauded an impatience with the present and sought to break liberal tradition by calling for a rupture with the past.

Futurists were European avant-gardists whose art was entwined with a political gesture; young agitators who looked beyond the confines of their own societies to express motion, machinery, speed, and war. In the Italian poet, Filippo Tommaso Marinetti’s The Founding and Manifesto of Futurism, a beautifully written text, many of these themes are conflated;

Youth: “The oldest of us is thirty: so we have at least a decade for finishing our work. When we are forty, other younger and stronger men will probably throw us in the wastebasket like useless manuscripts—we want it to happen!”; Motion: “The raging broom of madness swept us out of ourselves and drove us through streets as rough and deep as the beds of torrents.”; Machinery: “And so, faces smeared with good factory muck—plastered with metallic waste, with senseless sweat, with celestial soot—we, bruised, our arms in slings, but unafraid, declared our high intentions to all the living of the earth.”; Speed: “We affirm that the world’s magnificence has been enriched by a new beauty: the beauty of speed. A racing car whose hood is adorned with great pipes, like serpents of explosive breath—a roaring car that seems to ride on grapeshot is more beautiful than the Victory of Samothrace.”; and War: “We will glorify war—the world’s only hygiene—militarism, patriotism, the destructive gesture of freedom-bringers, beautiful ideas worth dying for, and scorn for woman.” Marinetti offers the avant-garde a political aesthetics he calls futurism: “It is from Italy that we launch through the world this violently upsetting incendiary manifesto of ours. With it, today, we establish Futurism, because we want to free this land from its smelly gangrene of professors, archaeologists, ciceroni and antiquarians.”

Marinetti’s articulation, while modernist and innovative, is saturated with traditional avant-garde themes. Like Rodrigues and Saint-Simon before him, Marinetti saw art as a means for action: “Up to now literature has exalted a pensive immobility, ecstasy, and sleep. We intend to exalt aggressive action, a feverish insomnia, the racer’s stride, the mortal leap, the punch and the slap.” The futurists offered the avant-garde a modernist aesthetics. Futurism would come to dominate not just futurism but the entire avant-garde movement, and not just in Europe but also in the United States. One of many spheres where this overlap between American and European avant-garde tradition is clear–as well as the contribution of futurism to avant-garde aesthetics–is cinema.

The Wild Angels is an American biker film, a counterculture piece that depicts Blues (Peter Fonda’s character) and the riders in his gang as leather jacket wearing motorists. But this image of the renegade biker, clad in white t-shirts and leather, had already been established. In 1953 Laszlo Benedek made a movie with Marlon Brando that set the precedent for all biker films that came after it, including The Wild Angels: The Wild One. In that film, Brando, leader of a fierce biker gang plays a youth who scoffs at society and refuses submission to all authority. He wears what is now an iconic leather jacket, the Schott Perfecto.[7]

Benedek chose to use this jacket in his film for several important reasons, reasons that point to a genealogical connection between futurists and European avant-gardists of the early twentieth century and American avant-gardists of the countercultural period of the 1950s-1970s.[8]

The Schott Perfecto jacket was created in 1928 by Irving Schott, son of Jewish Russian immigrants to New York City. Schott designed the jacket as outerwear for riding motorcycles, as he correctly gauged there was a niche market to exploit. Schott designed a modernist jacket, one ready to assist man in his destiny to integrate with machines. The jacket is purely utilitarian and is credited with introducing the zipper (a technology invented in World War I) to clothing. The zippers allow the rider to keep items from flying out of pockets while speeding down the road. Now, with a zipper and longer sleeves to accommodate the crouched position of the rider, the jacket was widely embraced by motorcycle enthusiasts and, as the first of its kind, was indelibly associated with the aesthetics of riding. Laszlo Benedek, a Hungarian-Jewish immigrant to the United States, chose this jacket for his film not only because of its already concrete association with riding motorcycles but also because of its resonance with modernism, futurism, and avant-gardism.

Once The Wild One became an international sensation the Schott Perfecto jacket took on an iconic status. After the release of Benedek’s film, the jacket was banned from public schools across America because of its association with rebellion and anti-conformism. (The film was banned entirely from being screened in England for the same reason.)

James Dean, who would replace Marlon Brando as the rebel heartthrob of youth pop culture in America, wore it as his jacket of choice. (Indeed, Dean embraced much of the aesthetics of the avant-garde tradition. In 1955 he would die from injuries sustained while racing automobiles at high speeds). The Schott Perfecto was a jacket that represented speed, modernity, machinery and a brush with death–the very ideals that contemporary Italian and Russian Futurists were trumpeting successfully for over a decade. Little coincidence that the jacket was designed by a Russian immigrant who worked in urban industrial factories. And the jacket carried its symbology through the decades, remaining to this day a powerful countercultural symbol in America. Elvis wore it, the Ramones, Blondie, and the Sex Pistols, too.

The Schott Perfecto was a jacket that represented speed, modernity, machinery and a brush with death–the very ideals that contemporary Italian and Russian Futurists were trumpeting successfully for over a decade. Little coincidence that the jacket was designed by a Russian immigrant who worked in urban industrial factories. And the jacket carried its symbology through the decades, remaining to this day a powerful countercultural symbol in America. Elvis wore it, the Ramones, Blondie, and the Sex Pistols, too.

The release of The Wild One in 1953, thirteen years before The Wild Angels, inaugurated a fascination with organized bike gangs that would last throughout the counterculture. The biker was seen as an outlaw, renegade, independent defender of freedom. But why? is it that outlaws inspire admiration and adoration in the imaginations of law-abiding citizens? Why is criminality so well tolerated in the art of liberal societies? What was it about the character that Marlon Brando played in the Wild One (1953) or James Dean in Rebel without a Cause (1955) or Peter Fonda in the Wild Angels (1966) that captivated popular imagination in the United States during the 1950s and 1960s?

Why is it that outlaws inspire admiration and adoration in the imaginations of law-abiding citizens? Why is criminality so well tolerated in the art of liberal societies? What was it about the character that Marlon Brando played in the Wild One (1953) or James Dean in Rebel without a Cause (1955) or Peter Fonda in the Wild Angels (1966) that captivated popular imagination in the United States during the 1950s and 1960s?

Another genre of films popularized in the 1960s was the outlaw western.  Sam Peckinpah’s The Wild Bunch (1969) is a good example of this new kind of western, one that revels in violence and death, but also Sergio Leone’s films like The Good, The Bad and the Ugly (1966) and Once Upon a Time in the West (1968). Sergio Leone was an Italian son of filmmakers well established in the Italian film industry during a time when that industry was saturated with futurists. In his films (westerns, but also in his masterpiece Once Upon a Time in America–which is a gangster film; the gangster film is another genre of outlaw that grows alongside the biker and western traditions) Leone explores how indirect forces of technology, progress, and modernity clash with active forces of liberalism. If the liberal projects of the nineteenth century were meant to provide an authoritative state, legitimated by the granting of civil rights to its citizens, the outlaw (as presented by Peckinpah, Leone, Benedek, Corman, et al) was the one who rejected both the civil rights of others and the authoritarian state.

The concept of the outlaw is another reaction to the concept of law as redesigned by the liberal revolutions. In a liberal society, crime is defined through a system of laws, and the outlaw is one in a position outside of the liberal consensus. An outlaw is a criminal, one who has not subjugated to the social project and therefore is a target for legal state sanctioned violence.

Liberalism demands the annihilation of the outlaw. Violence is reserved by the state as an exclusive right and a means for upholding law. The promise of the liberal state, by way of its active police force (a supremely liberal invention), is that any illegal violence will be met with the greater violence of law. The liberal state claims a totality over the life of its citizens, a totality that is legally enshrined. As a citizen, the liberal is afforded the freedom to act insofar as that action does not hinder the liberal contract. The liberal contract, in turn, is far reaching and encompasses the economic, political, religious, and cultural spheres. The outlaw, then, at least in the way it has often been celebrated in the art of liberal countries, is one who has successfully, if not ethically, broken free of state-sanctioned violence and bondage.

The outlaw-in-art (whether it is literature or film, poetry or music) is often violent, but the outlaw’s violence is emancipative violence. It is a violence without ends, and it threatens the greater violence of law itself. The outlaw is tolerated, especially in art, because the condition points towards a possible liberation from the humdrum imposition of obedience to the liberal state.[9]

Westerns and biker films of the 1960s (and then gangster films of the ’70s–and some of the more vigilante movie characters of today like Bourne, Reacher, Wolverine) focus on the figure of the outlaw and engage in similar themes. Both genres stage similar critiques, adopt similar aesthetics, and share an adoration for individualism, a mistrust of sedentary society, and roundly condemn state-sponsored authority.

There is a famous scene in Easy Rider (1969), a film that is in many ways Laszlo Benedek’s sequel to The Wild Angels when the characters of Peter Fonda and Dustin Hoffman pull into a traditional ranch and perform upkeep on their motorcycles. The two riders tune up their machines as cowboys place horseshoes on their horses beside them. The juxtaposition of biker and cowboy is conscious and overt here; what is perhaps more subliminal is the way in which both tropes, the biker and the cowboy, coalesce in an outlaw image intimately bound to the history of liberalism.

The American counterculture, whether embodied by bikers, beatniks, hippies, or cowboys, shares with its European predecessors an embrace of an avant-garde tradition, one that stretches back to the liberal revolutions of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and was revitalized and aestheticized anew by futurists in the early twentieth century.

The avant-garde is a product of liberalism since its earliest days. But it is an anti-liberal product of liberalism. Since the days of Rodrigues and Sanit-Simon, the avant-garde has thought through liberalism and worked towards a post-liberal society. Liberal revolutions, inspired by the French and American cases, spread across western Europe throughout the nineteenth century. As the dust settled on a changed political and social landscape, with the

As the dust settled on a changed political and social landscape, with the ancien regime and much of its feudal trappings either abolished or made compliant to the international liberal project, the futurists were able to capitalize on a reaction to international liberalism and articulate a political aesthetic that was able to incorporate the growing nationalist tide against liberalism. If liberalism claimed to offer economic cures to societal ills, nationalism sought to articulate a national cure, and the futurists were able to successfully fuse the avant-garde with nationalism, industrialism, and modernism. Futurists articulated the avant-garde as being anti-internationalist, anti-rationalist, and anti-bourgeois; they expanded the anti-liberal tradition of the avant-garde and provided it with a politicizing aesthetics of art. They affirmed a longstanding avant-garde position that art is a supreme political aesthetic, and in turn supplied that aesthetic with a vocabulary of machinery, speed, motion, nation and war. And it is this aesthetic of futurism, which is a modernist aesthetics of the avant-garde, that comes to dominate the next generation’s countercultural scene in the United States.

If liberalism claimed to offer economic cures to societal ills, nationalism sought to articulate a national cure, and the futurists were able to successfully fuse the avant-garde with nationalism, industrialism, and modernism. Futurists articulated the avant-garde as being anti-internationalist, anti-rationalist, and anti-bourgeois; they expanded the anti-liberal tradition of the avant-garde and provided it with a politicizing aesthetics of art. They affirmed a longstanding avant-garde position that art is a supreme political aesthetic, and in turn supplied that aesthetic with a vocabulary of machinery, speed, motion, nation and war. And it is this aesthetic of futurism, which is a modernist aesthetics of the avant-garde, that comes to dominate the next generation’s countercultural scene in the United States.

Futurists articulated the avant-garde as being anti-internationalist, anti-rationalist, and anti-bourgeois; they expanded the anti-liberal tradition of the avant-garde and provided it with a politicizing aesthetics of art. They affirmed a longstanding avant-garde position that art is a supreme political aesthetic, and in turn supplied that aesthetic with a vocabulary of machinery, speed, motion, nation and war. And it is this aesthetic of futurism, which is a modernist aesthetics of the avant-garde, that comes to dominate the next generation’s countercultural scene in the United States.

The American counterculture transported many of its values and much of its looks from its counterparts in the European avant-garde. Perhaps this thesis is a stretch, but it is a stretch of the imagination and a suspense of the rational that allows an audience to engage with art in the first place. Art exists in a paralleled plane, not subject to law, not bound by rationality, not object or subject, amoral, and phantasmic. And history, in this way, is also art, informing the present, imprinting its own historiography. The avant-gardists, always at the forefront of introspective liberal criticism, consistently make at least two demands on bourgeois society: reject the past and aestheticize politics. This was the case with French followers of Rodrigues and Saint-Simon in 1825, Italian and Russian Futurists in the early 1900s, and American counterculturals of the 1950s on (including, now, Bannon and Mila, et al?)

A return to where we started. The opening of the Wild Angels, which is a scene masterfully filmed by Benedek, has all the trappings of an avant-garde tradition. By bursting through the front yard gate the tricycle riding child breaks free from the conformity of his bourgeois existence. He breaks away from his insular home, frees himself from the confining protection of his mother, and revels in his newfound love for destabilizing speed. The child flies into Blues, who stands in as a matured version of that child, replete with the proper aesthetic of the rebellious avant-garde–leather jacket, motorcycle, and a chain necklace of the Iron Cross. There is a militarism embedded within the aesthetic here, too, a militaristic futurism. The militarism of the counterculture holds the inverse of a futurist nationalist patriotism, for the bikers do not wear nazi paraphernalia to show sympathy with nazi causes but rather to emphasize an American victory over nazism. Wearing the insignia, so the logic goes, is a means both to flaunt a victory in Europe but also a countercultural victory over normative liberal society.[10]

The avant-garde claims a celebration of freedom from liberalism. It is the idea of that same freedom depicted in the child in The Wild Angel’s opening scene as he smiles uncontrollably while he breaks away from his home, gleefully stomps his pedals, almost flying down the sidewalk; the howls of his worried mother fading into the background.

Bibliography

  • Benjamin, Walter. Selected Writings. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1996.
  • A Slap in the Face of Public Taste by David Burliuk, Alexander Kruchenykh, Vladmir Mayakovsky, Victor Khlebnikov (1917)
  • The Founding and Manifesto of Futurism by F. T. Marinetti (1909)
  • Sorel, Georges. Reflections on Violence. Cambridge, U.K. ;New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
  • Payne, Stanley G. A History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995.
  • Poggi, Christine. Futurism : an Anthology. Conn.: Yale University Press, 2009.
  • Tisdall, Caroline. Futurism. London: Thames and Hudson, 1977.

[1] See Image 1.

[2] In surf culture of the 1950s and 1960s the so called ‘surfer’s cross’ is another example of an aesthetic plucked from nazi Europe. It is a surfer imposed over the Iron Cross of the SS. See Image 2.

[3] ‘The artist, the scientist and the industrialist’ from Opinions Literary, Philosophical and Industrial(1825). Cited in Harrison, Wood and Gaiger, Art in theory, 1815–1900: an anthology of changing ideas(1998); http://marxist-theory-of-art.blogspot.com/2010/03/key-figures-in-marxist-aesthetics-saint.html#footnote7, March 25, 2015.

[4] I am speaking here of the liberal revolution in America and France in the late eighteenth century and the liberal revolutions that followed across Europe in the nineteenth century.

[5]  Although some avant garde groups will seek a return to a primordial, or prehistorical epoch, but in these cases the ‘return’ is conceived of as a progress, a progress of return.

[6] David Burliuk, Alexander Kruchenykh, Vladmir Mayakovsky, Victor Khlebnikov, A Slap in the Face of Public Taste, 1917. “https://www.marxists.org/subject/art/literature/mayakovsky/1917/slap-in-face-public-taste.htm”

[7] See Image 3.

[8] I agree with Todd Gitlin that the ‘60s should include three decades.

[9] These ideas are adapted and worked on from two related sources: Georges Sorel’s Reflections on Violence (1908) and Walter Benjamin’s essay A Critique of Violence (1921). In these two essays the respectively French and German philosophers lay out a theory of violence which holds the liberal state and its system of laws to be rely on violent coercion.

[10] Marinetti, as a futurist, was smitten with war, encouraged Italy to fight in both world wars and enlisted as a young man during World War I, and again as a 66 year old during World War II–this time as a committed fascist. That 1960s bikers chose to wear military regalia of the radical right from the second world war as part of their aesthetic points to a relationship between militarism and the avant-garde first forged by the futurists in the first half of the twentieth century.

Posted in Israel and the World | 2 Comments

Moral Outrage

Someone recently posted a meme of Hitler with the words “What Hitler Got Right” big and bold at the top, and below a quote attributed (falsely?) to Mein Kampf that basically states that American Jews are and have been the main exploiters of black Americans.

This facebook page saw hundreds of comments, several of them mine, in a matter of hours (certainly not viral, but in the echo chamber of my small circle of acquaintances, that number counted as something of note). People appalled or applauding had a surprising range of emotional relationships to the meme, both in support and opposition; tacit, indirect, and outright; from pride to shock, disappointment to disbelief; from ‘how could this be posted?’ to ‘how can you not understand why this is posted?’

There are many conversations to be had about these memes designed to spark moral outrage and the dialogues that ensue. Trolling loosely defined is now as benign as responding, and the concept of social media is lost. Our use of twitter and facebook, etc, transcended the social years ago and we currently find ourselves rooted in the entirety of media—in the umbrella sense of the term; one that includes everything, or at least includes the middle of everything and points to a new prime mover of the American body politic.

From alternate facts to alternate rights, republicults and deplorables, arise familiar vocabularies of the new middle media, words that act as ambassadors to every day feeds, signifiers of a much more personalized, polarized, and partisan cyberspace.

But its effects are also felt on land; there are physical and physiological interactions with this media; the news in the middle of everything, perpetually humming in our pockets and beeping on our screens. Sharing is taking the place of speaking, a phenomenon that challenges writing, and transforms reading into an externalized act. There is a paradigm shift of sorts going on, and no one has a handle on it.

These conversations are important. For example, in the anecdote above, the meme where Hitler is used as an expert to make an unabashedly antisemitic point, there is nevertheless a nod to an understudied side of American history. As James Baldwin wrote: “Negroes are anti-Semitic because they are anti-white.” The implication being that there are cases, many even, of Jews, as assimilated whites, exploiting a black underclass.

There certainly are these histories; one can easily point to figures in the early modern trans-Atlantic slave trade, to the modern entertainment industry, and to anywhere else one cares to look, that would fit the bill of being Jewish and exploiter. This meme, interpreting it as liberally as possible is meant as a boisterous rebellion against a perceived hegemonic history and culture that has included American Jews as whites but has excluded black Americans.

But it fails to consider that it reduces black suffering by explaining it through antisemitism, a form of scapegoating almost as old as history; fails to consider the strong Jewish representation in the civil rights era of the mid-twentieth century; fails to consider that Jews were relegated to the merchant and entertainment industries as a result of being frozen out of nearly everything else;  fails to consider that the majority of the world’s Jews are brown-skinned and poor, and many are black, too, and most white Jews do not enjoy upper or even middle-class status, etc.

The meme is deeply divisive, polarizing, manifestly antisemitic—and, perhaps more to the point does not lead to any kind of productive dialogue between what quickly metastasizes into two opposing camps (those opposed and those in favor). It is designed for reaction and reactionaries.

Another underexplored point to make here is that there is a long history of the American countercultural left appropriating fascist and Nazi images and postures. One need only turn to Kerouac’s antisemitism; beatnik and hippie affinity for future, leather and motorcycles; the Surfer’s Cross; Malcolm X’s speech to American Nazi Party founder George Lincoln Rockwell in 1961, at the end of which Rockwell donated financially to the NOI; David Bowie’s love affair with fascism and strong man nationalism in the 1970s; and on and on. Indeed, there are many examples of leftwing affinity for elements of fascism and National Socialism, both aesthetically and ideologically; and I’d even argue that until the recent Trump/Bannon phenomenon and the upending of an American political tradition stretching back to the beginning of the postwar era, were largely confined to left-wing and libertarian circles, and to cultures outside of the conservative norm.

These could be enlightening conversations. But the memed conversations of late are worrisome. Details are lost, generalizations are broad, and thought is reduced to emotion.

Moral outrage is a paved road to hell.

 

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A History of the Sinai Peninsula through Modern Crime

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Much like the infamous pirate town, Port Royal, of seventeenth century Jamaica, the Sinai Peninsula in the modern day is on its own. It is a lawless and beautiful place that until as recently as January was known more for … Continue reading

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The Administration’s Absurd Middle East Policy

What is President Obama doing? As a general supporter of his domestic policies–his health-care initiative, his handling of the Great Recession, his imposition of greater regulation in the United States’ financial markets–it is hard for me to write this, but: … Continue reading

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Byzantium? What Byzantium?

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This is part 1 of a 3 part history of Greater Syria during the Late Antique and Early Muslim periods, roughly the third through seventh centuries of the Common Era  The Roman-Byzantine Connection Like the Book of Daniel, our story … Continue reading

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The Looming War in Gaza

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Between the horrific Itamar massacre, barrages of rocket attacks, and the cowardly bus stop bombing in Jerusalem, all during the month of March, 2011, there is no doubt that Hamas is doing all it can to provoke Israel into a … Continue reading

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Back to the Process

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Back to the process… In the last weeks Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu confirmed he will reveal a new peace plan this May. Within days of the announcement the Palestinian leadership took it upon itself to snuff out even the … Continue reading

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Syria in Contention: The Origins of Islamic Empire

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                    Asham, the area called Surya by the Byzantines, was conquered by the Arabs in the mid-seventh century, much of the fighting being over by 650. It was an ancient land, … Continue reading

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Notes on the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem

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The Dome of the Rock was completed in the year 692 at the hands of the Umayyad Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik (r. 685-705). It is a building charged with so powerful a political and religious significance that it has come to … Continue reading

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